Democratic Choose Martin Van Buren to Run Again Campaign of 1840

U.S. presidential administration from 1837 to 1841

Van Buren at the beginning of his presidency (1837–38)
Presidency of Martin Van Buren March 4, 1837 – March four, 1841
Chiffonier	Meet list
Party	Autonomous
Election	1836
Seat	White Business firm
← Andrew Jackson William Henry Harrison →
Seal of the President (1840–1850)

The presidency of Martin Van Buren began on March iv, 1837, when Martin Van Buren was inaugurated equally President of the Usa, and ended on March four, 1841. Van Buren, the incumbent vice president and chosen successor of President Andrew Jackson, took office as the eighth United States president subsequently defeating multiple Whig Party candidates in the 1836 presidential election. A member of the Democratic Party, Van Buren'southward presidency concluded following his defeat past Whig candidate William Henry Harrison in the 1840 presidential ballot.

The primal issue facing President Van Buren was the Panic of 1837, a sustained economic downturn that began just weeks into his presidency. Van Buren opposed whatever direct federal government intervention and cut back federal spending to maintain a balanced budget. He also presided over the establishment of the contained treasury system, a series of government vaults that replaced banks as the repository of federal funds. Van Buren continued the Indian removal policies of the Jackson administration, as thousands of Native Americans were resettled west of the Mississippi River during his presidency. He sought to avoid major tensions over slavery, rejecting the possibility of annexing Texas and appealing the instance of United States 5. The Amistad to the Supreme Courtroom. In foreign affairs, Van Buren avoided war with Britain despite several incidents, including the bloodless Aroostook War and the Caroline Matter.

Van Buren's inability to deal effectively with the economical crunch, combined with the growing political force of the opposition Whigs, led to his defeat in the 1840 presidential election. His 4-yr presidency was marked every bit much by failure and criticism as past success and pop acclaim, and his presidency is considered boilerplate, at best, by historians. His most lasting achievement was every bit a political organizer who built the modernistic Democratic Party and guided it to dominance in the new Second Party Arrangement.^[1]

Presidential election of 1836 [edit]

Van Buren had emerged equally President Andrew Jackson'due south preferred successor during the Petticoat affair, and Van Buren won election every bit vice president in 1832.^[ii] The two men –charismatic "Old Hickory" and the super-efficient "Sly Fox"—had entirely unlike personalities merely had get an constructive team in eight years in part together.^[iii] Jackson declined to seek some other term in the 1836 presidential election, only he remained influential within the Democratic Political party, and he strongly supported Van Buren's candidacy in the 1836 ballot.^[4] With Jackson'south support, Van Buren won the presidential nomination of the 1835 Autonomous National Convention without opposition.^[5] Two names were put forwards for the vice-presidential nomination: Representative Richard Grand. Johnson of Kentucky, and former senator William Cabell Rives of Virginia. Though most Southern Democrats favored Rives, Jackson preferred Johnson, and his influence helped pb to Johnson's nomination for the vice presidency.^{[half dozen] [5]}

1836 electoral vote results

The newly-established Whig Party, a loose coalition bound past common opposition to Jackson, sought to foreclose Van Buren's victory in the election of 1836. Lacking the political party unity or organizational strength to field a unmarried ticket or define a single platform, the Whigs fielded multiple candidates in the hope of forcing a contingent ballot in the House of Representatives.^[6] Senator Hugh Lawson White of Tennessee, a sometime Jackson ally, emerged as the major Whig candidate in the South, touting himself as the just Southerner in the race. William Henry Harrison, who had gained notoriety for his service in the Battle of Tippecanoe, edged out Senator Daniel Webster to become the main Whig candidate in the North.^[7] The Whig Party campaigned on the themes of Jackson'southward alleged executive tyranny, and attacked Van Buren every bit an untrustworthy career politico.^[8]

Van Buren had to clear a position on slavery that could win full-throated approval in both the pro-slavery Due south and the Northern states where slavery was illegal and unpopular. The biggest challenge came in the S, where all Yankees were automatically doubtable on the slave question.^[9] Van Buren moved to obtain the support of Southerners by assuring them that he opposed abolitionism and supported the continued existence of slavery in states where it was present.^[10] Van Buren did non hash out his own personal beliefs, which held that slavery was immoral, but was sanctioned by the Constitution.^[eleven] Van Buren's strategy was non to defend his personal position, but to attack abolitionists, who were popular nowhere in the United States. As vice president, he cast the tie-breaking Senate vote in favor of a bill to subject abolitionist mail to land laws, thus ensuring that abolitionist mail would not be circulated in the South. While Southern Whigs cast doubt on his devotion to slavery, his supporters insisted he believed in three things: that Congress could non interfere with slavery in the states, that information technology would be "impolitic" to cancel slavery in the District of Columbia, and that agitation virtually slavery endangered the union. Van Buren and his supporters realized that to build a viable national party and to maintain the union they had to compromise by accepting slavery. The Democrats created the showtime modern party, just in doing so consciously removed slavery and abolition from the partisan agenda. In 1848, Van Buren became a leading opponent of the extension of slavery in the North, but by then he had abandoned any hope of Southern back up.^[12]

Van Buren won the ballot with 764,198 pop votes, fifty.ix per centum of the total, and 170 balloter votes. Harrison led the Whigs with 73 electoral votes, White receiving 26, and Webster 14.^[13] Willie Person Mangum received Due south Carolina'due south eleven electoral votes, which were awarded by the country legislature. Compared to Jackson's 1832 entrada, Van Buren performed ameliorate in New England but worse in the Southward and West.^[fourteen] Van Buren's victory resulted from a combination of his own attractive political and personal qualities, Jackson's popularity and endorsement, the organizational power of the Democratic party, and the inability of the Whig Party to muster an effective candidate and campaign.^[15] Virginia's presidential electors voted for Van Buren for president but William Smith for vice president, leaving Johnson one electoral vote short of election.^[xvi] In accordance with the Twelfth Amendment, the Senate elected Johnson vice president in a contingent vote.^[14] Meanwhile, in the concurrent congressional elections, Democrats retained control of both houses of Congress.^[17]

The ballot of 1836 marked an of import turning point in American political history because of the part it played in establishing the Second Party System. In the early 1830s the political party construction was yet changing rapidly, and factional and personal leaders continued to play a major function in politics. Past the finish of the campaign of 1836, the new party system was near fully formed, as nearly every faction had been absorbed by either the Democrats or the Whigs.^{[xviii] [19]}

Inauguration [edit]

Portrait of Martin Van Buren

Van Buren was sworn in as president by Supreme Courtroom Chief Justice Roger Taney on March 4, 1837, in a ceremony held on the Eastward Portico of the United States Capitol.^[xx] At age 54, he was the youngest person at the time to assume the presidency. Taking the oath equally the eighth president, Van Buren divers his role as one of preservation: "sacredly to uphold those political institutions" created past the Founders and particularly to safeguard the hallowed Jeffersonian principles of a limited national regime and the liberty and sovereignty of "the people and the states."^[21]

The inauguration marked the divergence of a vital personality–Jackson–and the inflow of his chosen successor–Van Buren–in a new presidential dynasty. They rode together in a minor phaeton (built from the wood of USS Constitution) drawn by 4 grey horses.^[22] This was the kickoff fourth dimension that the outgoing president and incoming president rode together to the Capitol.^[20] The days festivities proved less a commemoration of the incoming president than a tribute to the approachable i. Van Buren's inaugural address took contemplative note of it:

In receiving from the people the sacred trust twice confided to my illustrious predecessor, and which he has discharged so faithfully and then well, I know that I can not expect to perform the backbreaking task with equal ability and success. But...I may hope that somewhat of the aforementioned cheering approbation will be found to nourish upon my path.^[23]

Administration [edit]

Chiffonier [edit]

The Van Buren Chiffonier
Part	Proper name	Term
President	Martin Van Buren	1837–1841
Vice President	Richard Mentor Johnson	1837–1841
Secretary of State	John Forsyth	1837–1841
Secretarial assistant of the Treasury	Levi Woodbury	1837–1841
Secretarial assistant of War	Joel Roberts Poinsett	1837–1841
Attorney General	Benjamin Franklin Butler	1837–1838
	Felix Grundy	1838–1840
Henry D. Gilpin	1840–1841
Postmaster General	Amos Kendall	1837–1840
John Milton Niles	1840–1841
Secretarial assistant of the Navy	Mahlon Dickerson	1837–1838
James Kirke Paulding	1838–1841

Van Buren retained much of Jackson's cabinet and lower-level appointees, as he hoped that the retention of Jackson'southward appointees would halt Whig momentum in the South and restore confidence in the Democrats as a party of sectional unity.^[24] The cabinet holdovers represented the different regions of the land: Secretary of the Treasury Levi Woodbury came from New England, Attorney Full general Benjamin F. Butler and Secretary of the Navy Mahlon Dickerson hailed from the mid-Atlantic states, Secretary of State John Forsyth represented the South, and Postmaster Full general Amos Kendall of Kentucky represented the Due west. For the position of Secretary of War, the lonely unfilled post in the cabinet, Van Buren beginning approached William Cabell Rives, who had sought the vice presidency in 1836. After Rives declined to bring together the cabinet, Van Buren appointed Joel Roberts Poinsett, a South Carolinian who had opposed secession during the Nullification Crisis.^[25]

Van Buren's cabinet choices were criticized by Pennsylvanians such equally James Buchanan, who argued that their state deserved a cabinet position, as well every bit some Democrats who argued that Van Buren should accept used his patronage powers to broaden his ain power. But Van Buren saw value in avoiding contentious patronage battles, and his determination to retain Jackson's cabinet made information technology articulate that he intended to keep the policies of his predecessor. Additionally, Van Buren had helped select Jackson's chiffonier appointees and enjoyed strong working relationships with them.^[25]

Dissatisfied with the subject and morale of the navy, Van Buren pressured Dickerson to resign in 1838, and Dickerson was succeeded by James G. Paulding.^[26] That aforementioned year, Butler resigned and was replaced with Felix Grundy, a Senator from Tennessee with close ties to Jackson. Grundy was later succeeded by Henry D. Gilpin of Pennsylvania.^[27] John 1000. Niles, a party loyalist and former Senator from Connecticut, became Postmaster General in 1840.^[28]

Van Buren was closely involved in strange affairs and matters pertaining to the Treasury Section, but the Post Office, War Department, and Navy Department all possessed high levels of autonomy nether their respective cabinet secretaries.^[29] Van Buren held regular formal cabinet meetings and discontinued the informal gatherings of directorate that had attracted then much attending during Jackson'due south presidency. Van Buren saw himself as "a mediator, and to some extent an umpire between the conflicting opinions" of his counselors. He solicited advice from section heads, tolerating open and even frank exchanges between chiffonier members. The president's detachment allowed him to reserve judgment and protect his own prerogative for making terminal decisions.^[xxx]

White Business firm hostess [edit]

For the first one-half of his presidency, Van Buren, who had been a widower since the death of his married woman, Hannah Van Buren in 1819, did not have a specific person make full the function of White House hostess, instead assuming such duties himself. When his eldest son Abraham Van Buren married Angelica Singleton in 1838, the president quickly acted to install his daughter-in-constabulary as his hostess. She solicited the advice of her afar relative, Dolley Madison,^[31] who had moved back to Washington later on her hubby'south death,^[32] and shortly the president'south parties livened up. Afterward the 1839 New year's day'southward Eve reception, the Boston Mail service raved: "[Angelica Van Buren is a] lady of rare accomplishments, very modest yet perfectly like shooting fish in a barrel and graceful in her manners and complimentary and vivacious in her conversation ... universally admired."^[31] As the nation endured a deep economic low, newspaper coverage of Angelica Van Buren's receiving style at receptions, influenced by her heavy reading on European court life, as well equally the anecdotal claim that she intended to re-mural the White House grounds to resemble the purple gardens of Europe, were used to assault her male parent-in-law. Pennsylvania Whig Congressman Charles Ogle referred obliquely to her as part of the presidential "household" in his famous "Gilt Spoon Oration."^[33]

Judicial appointments [edit]

Van Buren appointed ii associate justices of the Supreme Court. Congress had added 2 new seats on the Supreme Courtroom with the 8th and 9th Circuits Act of 1837, but President Jackson had filled merely one of those positions. To fill the vacancy, in early 1837 Van Buren appointed Senator John McKinley of Alabama, a fundamental supporter of Van Buren's 1836 presidential campaign. A second Supreme Court vacancy arose in 1841 due to the decease of Philip P. Barbour. Van Buren appointed federal guess Peter Vivian Daniel to succeed Barbour.^[34] Van Buren as well appointed viii other federal judges, all to U.s. district courts.^[35]

Domestic affairs [edit]

Panic of 1837 and treasury system [edit]

Panic of 1837 [edit]

The modernistic balaam and his donkey , an 1837 caricature placing the blame for the Panic of 1837 and the perilous land of the banking arrangement on outgoing President Andrew Jackson, shown riding a donkey, while President Martin Van Buren comments approvingly.

On May 10, 1837, some important state banks in New York, running out of hard currency reserves, suddenly refused to convert newspaper money into gold or silver. Other financial institutions throughout the nation quickly followed accommodate, marking the start of a financial crunch that would become known as the Panic of 1837.^[23] The panic was followed by a v-year depression in which numerous banks failed and unemployment reached record highs.^[36]

Van Buren blamed the economical plummet on greedy concern and financial institutions, every bit well as on the over extension of credit by U.S. banks. Whig leaders in Congress, meanwhile, blamed Autonomous economical policies, peculiarly the 1836 Specie Circular.^[23] That policy had required the utilize of specie (coins), rather than newspaper coin, in the purchase of government-held lands, and had had the effect of transferring specie from Eastern banks to Western banks^[37] and undermining confidence in banknotes.^[38] Whigs too blamed Jackson'southward dismantling of the Second Bank of the United states of america, thereby assuasive state banks to engage in lending and the printing of paper money without effective regulation.^[39] Some other contributing cistron to the panic was the sudden contraction of English credit, which had helped to finance a menstruum of strong economical growth since 1830.^[40]

Contained Treasury [edit]

While Whig leader Henry Clay promoted his ain American System equally the best means for economic recovery, Van Buren's response to the panic focused on the practice of "strict economy and frugality."^[41] The potential repeal of the Specie Circular policy separate the Democratic Party, with prominent Democrats like William Cabell Rives and Nathaniel Tallmadge urging it equally function of a movement away from Jackson'southward hard currency policies.^[42] Afterward a long catamenia of consideration, Van Buren appear in May 1837 that he would not revoke the Specie Circular. Van Buren feared that revoking the Specie Circular would hurt western banks, and was reluctant to depart from a Jacksonian policy so quickly after taking office.^[43]

Van Buren'south determination to uphold the Specie Circular represented the first footstep in his delivery to the separation of the regime from all banking operations, a policy that would become the cardinal economical policy of his tenure. During Jackson'south presidency, the federal government had moved its funds from the Second Bank of the The states to so-called "pet banks." Both the 2nd Bank of the United States and the pet banks had used those federal deposits to engage in regular banking activities, specifically the extension of loans. Van Buren sought to fully divorce the federal government from banking operations by establishing the Contained Treasury system, essentially a series of vaults, to agree government funds.^[44] The Independent Treasury took its name from its supposed independence from banks and British creditors, as British creditors had made large investments in the 2d Bank of the United States.^[45] The Independent Treasury was inspired past the writings of William M. Gouge, a difficult currency advocate who argued that any federal collaboration with banks both risked corruption and reinforced a speculative boom and bust bike that led to economic downturns.^[46]

When the 25th Congress convened in September 1837, Van Buren introduced his legislation to create the Independent Treasury system.^[47] Van Buren's plan allowed the authorities to take newspaper money equally payment, but the government would seek to convert that paper coin to specie every bit quickly as possible.^[48] State cyberbanking interests strongly opposed Van Buren's proposal, and an alliance of bourgeois Democrats and Whigs blocked the creation of the Contained Treasury System.^[49] As the debate over the Contained Treasury continued, Rives and another Democrats defected to the Whig Party, which itself grew more unified in its opposition to Van Buren.^[47] The Panic of 1837 loomed big over the 1837 and 1838 election cycles, as the carryover effects of the economical downturn led to Whig gains in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. The Democratic Party retained a majority in both chambers after the elections,^{[50] [51]} but a divide among House Democrats led to the election of Whig Congressman Robert M. T. Hunter as Speaker of the House.^[52] Meanwhile, Whigs won gains in state elections across the country, including in Van Buren's home state of New York.^[53]

In early 1838, nearly banks concluded their moratorium on converting paper into money into gold or silver, temporarily bringing an end to the monetary crisis.^[54] The economy began to recover, and an brotherhood of Democrats and Whigs repealed the Specie Round that year. A second economic downturn, known every bit the Panic of 1839, began as the issue of a cotton wool glut. With less income coming in from the cotton trade, country prices plummeted, industries laid off employees, and banks failed. Co-ordinate to historian Daniel Walker Howe, the economic crisis of the late 1830s and early 1840s was the most severe recession in U.Due south. history until the Smashing Depression.^[55] Partly in response to this second economic downturn, Congress enacted Van Buren'southward Independent Treasury proposal in June 1840.^[56] The Whigs would abolish the Independent Treasury system in 1841, but it was revived in 1846 and remained in place until the passage of the Federal Reserve Act in 1913.^[57]

Reduction in working hours [edit]

In 1840, President van Buren issued an executive order which lowered the working hours for government workers to only 10 hours per solar day.^[58] This mostly included laborers and mechanics.

Indian removal [edit]

Federal policy under Jackson had sought, through the Indian Removal Act of 1830, to move all indigenous peoples to lands west of the Mississippi River. Continuing this policy, the federal government negotiated 19 treaties with Indian nations in the course of Van Buren'south presidency.^[59] Past the fourth dimension Van Buren took office, the Muscogee, Chickasaw, and Choctaw had been removed to lands west of the Mississippi River, but a large number of Cherokee were even so in Georgia and the Seminole remained in Florida.^[60] An 1835 treaty signed by U.S. government officials and representatives of the Cherokee Nation had established terms under which the unabridged nation would cede its territory and move across the Mississippi River, but many Cherokee viewed the treaty every bit fraudulent.^[61] In 1838, Van Buren directed General Winfield Scott to forcibly move all those Cherokee who had non yet complied with the treaty.^[62] The Cherokee were herded violently into internment camps, where they were kept for the summer of 1838. The actual transportation westward was delayed past intense estrus and drought, merely in the fall, the Cherokee reluctantly agreed to drift due west.^{[63] [64]} During the Cherokee removal, part of the Trail of Tears, some 20,000 people were relocated against their volition.^[65]

In the Florida Territory, the Seminole engaged the army in a prolonged conflict known as the Second Seminole War.^[59] The Seminole were more resistant to removal than other tribes of the South due in large part to the influence of hundreds of escaped slaves and other African Americans who lived among the Seminole. These escaped slaves feared that the departure of the Seminole would lead to their own re-enslavement.^[66] Prior to leaving office, Jackson had placed Full general Thomas Jesup in control of all U.South. troops in Florida in social club to force Seminole emigration to the West.^[67] Forts were established throughout the Indian territory and columns of soldiers scoured the countryside. Feeling the force per unit area, many Seminoles, including head principal Micanopy, offered to surrender. The Seminoles slowly gathered for emigration nigh Tampa, merely in June they fled the detention camps, driven off by disease and the presence of slave catchers who were hoping to accept Blackness Seminoles convict.^{[68] [69]}

In Dec 1837, Jesup began a massive offensive, culminating in the Battle of Lake Okeechobee. Following the American victory in the battle, the state of war entered a new phase, a long state of war of attrition.^[68] During this fourth dimension, the government realized that information technology would be almost impossible to drive the remaining Seminoles from Florida, so Van Buren sent General Alexander Macomb to negotiate a peace with the Seminoles. It was the simply fourth dimension in U.Due south. history that a Native American nation had forced the The states to sue for peace. An agreement was reached allowing the Seminoles to remain in southwest Florida, but the peace was shattered in July 1839.^[68] Fighting was not resolved until 1842, afterwards Van Buren had left function. The United States spent over $xxx 1000000 in the Second Seminole War, which as well cost the lives of over 1400 American military personnel, dozens of civilians, and at least seven hundred Seminole.^[70]

Historian Laurence M. Hauptman argues that dishonest and underhanded methods were deliberately employed to remove the Iroquois and Stockbridge-Munsee Indians from their lands in upstate New York without payment. He states that federal officials, James W. Stryker, John F. Schermerhorn, and Random H. Gillet, collaborated with Van Buren in fraudulently imposing the 1838 Treaty of Buffalo Creek using bribery, forgery, corruption, and deception.^{[71] [72]} Meanwhile in Michigan, the Ottawas managed to remain in their bequeathed home state past threatening to join the British in neighboring Canada, and by becoming landowners who had a higher condition and were important factors in the local economic system. They also deliberately sent their young men into the local wage labor market to make their presence valuable to the white community. They never threatened the local whites and had significant back up from the customs.^[73]

Slavery [edit]

Slavery policy [edit]

The abolitionist motion had gained in popularity during the 1830s, and the activism of abolitionist groups like the American Anti-Slavery Society prompted denunciations from Southern leaders like John C. Calhoun.^[74] Van Buren viewed abolition as the greatest threat to the nation's unity. He opposed any attempt on the function of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding states, and to resist the slightest interference with it in the states where it existed.^[75] Reflecting the increasing importance of slavery equally a topic of national debate, Van Buren was the showtime president to make apply of the word "slavery" in an inaugural accost, and his stances led to accusations that he was a "northern man with southern feelings."^[76] However, Van Buren was also sensitive to northern concerns about the expansion of slavery, and he opposed the annexation of Texas out of a want to avoid sectional disputes.^[77]

During Van Buren'south presidency, congressional leaders sought to avoid divisive debates over slavery through the "gag rule," an breezy do in which any discussion of the abolitionism of slavery in Congress was immediately tabled. While the gag rule was largely successful in stifling the contend over slavery in the Senate, Congressman (and former President) John Quincy Adams earned notoriety for his efforts to resist the gag rule in the House of Representatives.^[78] Adams defeated an attempt at censuring him, only a coalition of Southerners and Northern Democrats ensured that the gag dominion remained in place.^[79] As the debate over slavery continued to gain prominence, a small group of anti-slavery activists founded the Freedom Party, which would nominate James G. Birney for president in the 1840 ballot.^[fourscore]

Amistad example [edit]

Like the British and Americans, the Spanish had outlawed the importation of slaves from Africa, but loftier slave bloodshed rates encouraged smugglers to smuggle captured slaves from Africa into Spanish colony of Cuba. In June 1839, several recently-kidnapped Africans took control of La Amistad, a slave send headed to Cuba. The Africans attempted to sail dwelling, merely were tricked by one of the coiffure members into heading towards the United States, where the Africans were apprehended and brought before the federal court of Judge Andrew T. Judson.^[81] The Castilian government demanded that the send and its cargo (including the Africans) be turned over to them. The Van Buren administration, hoping to minimize the political domestic and international fallout from the incident, supported Spain's position at trial.^[82]

Defying the expectations of well-nigh observers, Judson ruled that the defendants be set up free. After the federal excursion upheld Judson's ruling, the Van Buren administration appealed the case to the Supreme Court. In March 1841, the Supreme Court upheld Judson's ruling, holding that the Africans had been kidnapped illegally. Subsequently the case, the abolitionists raised money to pay for the render of the Africans, and they departed from the United States in Nov 1841.^[83] The unique nature of the Amistad example, involving international issues and parties, people of color testifying in federal court, and the participation of former president Adams and other high-profile lawyers, engendered great public involvement. The Amistad instance drew attending to the personal tragedies of slavery and attracted new support for the growing abolitionism movement in the North. Information technology also transformed the courts into the principal forum for a national debate on the legal foundations of slavery.^[84]

Mormons [edit]

In 1839, Joseph Smith Jr., the founder of the Latter Day Saint motion, visited Van Buren to plead for the U.S. to assistance the roughly xx,000 Mormon settlers of Independence, Missouri, who had been forced from the state during the 1838 Mormon War. The Governor of Missouri, Lilburn Boggs, had issued an executive gild on Oct 27, 1838, known as the "Extermination Guild". Information technology authorized troops to use strength confronting Mormons to "exterminate or bulldoze [them] from the country".^{[85] [86]} In 1839, after moving to Illinois, Smith and his party appealed to members of Congress and to President Van Buren to intercede for the Mormons. Co-ordinate to Smith's grandnephew, Van Buren said to Smith, "Your crusade is only, but I tin do goose egg for y'all; if I take upward for yous I shall lose the vote of Missouri".^{[87] [88]}

Strange affairs [edit]

Texas [edit]

The Republic of Texas had gained de facto independence from United mexican states in the Texas Revolution, and Texans had afterwards voted overwhelmingly in favor of annexation by the Usa.^[89] Just before leaving office in March 1837, Andrew Jackson had extended diplomatic recognition to the Republic of Texas, and the possibility of annexation heightened sectional tensions at habitation while also presenting the possibility of war with Mexico. New England abolitionists charged that at that place was a "slaveholding conspiracy to larn Texas", and Daniel Webster eloquently denounced looting.^[90] Many Southern leaders, meanwhile, strongly desired the expansion of slave-belongings territory in the United States.^[91]

Boldly reversing Jackson's policies, Van Buren sought peace abroad and harmony at home. He proposed a diplomatic solution to a long-standing financial dispute between American citizens and the Mexican government, rejecting Jackson's threat to settle information technology by force.^[90] Also, when the Texas minister at Washington, D.C., proposed annexation to the assistants in August 1837, he was told that the proposition could not be entertained. Constitutional scruples and fear of state of war with Mexico were the reasons given for the rejection,^[89] but business that it would precipitate a clash over the extension of slavery undoubtedly influenced Van Buren and continued to be the chief obstacle to annexation.^[92] Northern and Southern Democrats followed an unspoken rule in which Northerners helped quash anti-slavery proposals and Southerners refrained from agitating for the annexation of Texas.^[91] Texas withdrew the annexation offer in 1838.^[89]

Relations with U.k. [edit]

Canadian rebellions [edit]

British subjects in Lower Canada and Upper Canada rose in rebellion in 1837 and 1838, protesting their lack of responsible authorities. While the initial coup in Upper Canada ended with the Dec 1837 Battle of Montgomery'due south Tavern, many of the rebels fled across the Niagara River into New York, and Canadian leader William Lyon Mackenzie began recruiting volunteers in Buffalo.^[93] Mackenzie declared the institution of the Republic of Canada and put into motion a programme whereby volunteers would invade Upper Canada from Navy Island on the Canadian side of the Niagara River. Several hundred volunteers traveled to Navy Island in the weeks that followed, procuring the steamboat Caroline to deliver supplies to Navy Island.^[93] Seeking to deter an imminent invasion, British forces crossed to the American bank of the river in late December 1837, and they burned and sank the Caroline. In the melee, one American was killed and others were wounded.^[21] Considerable sentiment arose inside the United States to declare war, and a British ship was burned in revenge.^[94]

"Destruction of the Caroline", illustration by John Charles Dent (1881)

Van Buren, looking to avoid a war with United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland, sent General Winfield Scott to the edge with large discretionary powers for its protection and its peace.^[95] Scott impressed upon American citizens the need for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, and made it clear that the U.S. government would not back up adventuresome Americans attacking the British. In early January 1838, the president proclaimed U.S. neutrality with regard to the Canadian independence issue,^[96] a annunciation which Congress endorsed past passing a neutrality law designed to discourage the participation of American citizens in foreign conflicts.^[94]

Though Scott was able to calm the situation, a group of surreptitious societies known as "Hunters' Lodges" connected to seek the overthrow of British rule in Canada.^[97] These groups carried out several attacks in Upper Canada, collectively known every bit the Patriot War. The administration followed through on its enforcement of the Neutrality Act, encouraged the prosecution of filibusters, and actively deterred U.S. citizens from destructive activities away.^[98] Afterwards the failure of two delay expeditions in belatedly 1839, the Hunters' Lodges lost their pop appeal and the Patriot War came to an terminate.^[97] In the long term, Van Buren's opposition to the Patriot War contributed to the construction of healthy Anglo–American and U.S.–Canadian relations in the 20th century; it likewise led, more immediately, to a backlash among citizens regarding the supposed overreach of federal authority.^[98]

Aroostook conflict [edit]

A new crisis betwixt Britain and the United States surfaced in late 1838 in disputed territory on the Maine–New Brunswick frontier.^[99] Jackson had been willing to drop American claims to the region in render for other concessions, but Maine was unwilling to drop its claims to the disputed territory. For their office, the British considered possession of the surface area vital to the defense of Canada.^[100] Both American and New Brunswick lumberjacks cut timber in the disputed territory during the winter of 1838–39. On December 29, New Brunswick lumbermen were spotted cutting down trees on an American estate near the Aroostook River.^[94] After American woodcutters rushed to stand guard, a shouting friction match, known as the Battle of Caribou, ensued. Tensions quickly boiled over into a nearly war with both Maine and New Brunswick arresting each other's citizens, and the crisis seemed prepare to turn into an armed conflict.^[101]

British troops began to gather along the Saint John River. Governor John Fairfield mobilized the state militia to face the British in the disputed territory^[102] and several forts were constructed.^[103] The American printing clamored for war; "Maine and her soil, or BLOOD!" screamed one editorial. "Let the sword exist drawn and the scabbard thrown away!" In June, Congress authorized 50,000 troops and a $10 meg budget^[104] in the event strange military troops crossed into United States territory. Van Buren was unwilling to go to war over the disputed territory, though he assured Maine that he would respond to any attacks by the British.^[105] To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the U.s.a., and Van Buren and the government minister agreed to resolve the border result diplomatically.^[102] Van Buren too sent General Scott to the northern border surface area, both to testify war machine resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later on, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.^{[94] [96]}

Presidential election of 1840 [edit]

1840 balloter vote results

Van Buren paid close attention to party organization, and support for the advice media such as newspapers and magazines. They receive subsidies in the class of regime press contracts. At an intellectual level, his administration was strongly supported by the monthly The U.s. Magazine and Democratic Review, based in Washington and edited by John L. O'Sullivan. Its editorials and articles provided the arguments that partisan needed to discuss Democratic Party positions on the Mexican State of war, slavery, states' rights, and Indian removal.^[106]

Though he faced no serious opposition for the presidential nomination at the 1840 Democratic National Convention, Van Buren and his party faced a hard election in 1840. Van Buren's term had been a hard affair, with the U.S. economy mired in a astringent downturn, and other divisive issues, such as slavery, western expansion, and tensions with Bang-up Uk provided numerous for opportunities for Van Buren's political opponents to criticize his actions.^[15] Although Van Buren'due south renomination was never in doubt, Democratic strategists began to question the wisdom of keeping Johnson on the ticket. Even quondam president Jackson conceded that Johnson was a liability and insisted on one-time Firm Speaker James K. Polk of Tennessee every bit Van Buren's new running mate. Van Buren was reluctant to driblet Johnson, who was popular with workers and radicals in the North^[107] and added military experience to the ticket, which might prove important if the Whigs nominated William Henry Harrison.^{[half dozen]} Rather than re-nominating Johnson, the Democratic convention decided to allow land Democratic Party leaders to select the vice-presidential candidates for their states.^[108] The convention drafted the first party platform in U.S. history, fully endorsing Van Buren'due south views on economic policy and other matters.^[109]

Van Buren hoped that the Whigs would nominate Henry Clay for president, which would allow Van Buren to bandage the 1840 campaign every bit a clash betwixt Van Buren's Independent Treasury organisation and Dirt's support for a revived national bank.^[110] Dirt had the backing of most Southerners at the 1839 Whig National Convention, but almost Northerners favored Harrison.^[111] Northern leaders like William Seward and Thaddeus Stevens believed that Harrison'south war record would effectively counter the popular appeals of the Democratic Party.^[110] Full general Winfield Scott likewise had some back up, and he loomed as a potential compromise candidate between Dirt and Harrison.^[111] Due in big part to constructive maneuvering by Weed and Thaddeus Stevens, Harrison triumphed over Clay on the third ballot of the convention. For vice president, the Whigs nominated former Senator John Tyler of Virginia.^[112] Clay was deeply disappointed by his defeat at the convention, only he all the same threw his support behind Harrison.^[110]

Whigs presented Harrison as the antonym of the president, whom they derided as ineffective, corrupt, and effete.^[fifteen] Whigs contrasted their epitome of Van Buren as an aristocrat living in loftier style with images of Harrison as a unproblematic man of the people who sipped cider in a log motel.^[113] Problems of policy were not absent from the campaign; the Whigs derided the alleged executive overreaches of Jackson and Van Buren, while also calling for the re-institution of the national banking company and higher tariffs.^[114] Democrats attempted to campaign on the Independent Treasury system, simply the onset of deflation undercut these arguments.^[115] Many Northerners attacked Van Buren for his support of the gag rule, while in the South, many Whigs claimed that the Virginia-born Harrison would presented less of a threat to the institution of slavery than did Van Buren.^[116]

The enthusiasm for "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," coupled with the state'south severe economic crisis, propelled Harrison to victory.^[113] Ultimately, Harrison won 53 per centum of the popular vote, and defeated Van Buren in the electoral vote by a margin of 234 to lx. Voter turnout rose from about 55 percent in 1836 to approximately eighty percent in 1840, which represented the highest turnout in a presidential election up to that point in U.S. history.^[117] Van Buren won more votes in 1840 than he had in 1836, but the Whig success in attracting new voters more than canceled out Autonomous gains.^[118] The Whigs also won command of the House and Senate, making the 1840 election the simply time in U.Due south. history that the Whigs won unified control of Congress and the presidency.^[119]

Historical reputation [edit]

According to historian Robert Remini:^[120]

Van Buren's creative contribution to the political development of the nation was enormous, and every bit such he earned his mode to the presidency. Subsequently gaining control of New York's Republican Party he organized the Albany Regency to run the state in his absence while he pursued a national career in Washington. The Regency was a governing consul in Albany consisting of a group of politically astute and highly intelligent men. He was ane of the first statewide political machines in the land was success resulted from its professional person use of patronage, the legislative caucus, and the official political party newspaper.....[In Washington] he labored to bring about the reorganization of the Republican Political party through an alliance betwixt what he chosen "the planters of the Southward and the patently Republicans of the North."... Heretofore parties were regarded as evils to be tolerated; Van Buren argued that the party system was the most sensible and intelligent fashion the affairs of the nation could exist democratically conducted, a viewpoint that somewhen won national approving.

Van Buren'southward presidency is considered average, at best, by historians.^[121] His time in function was dominated by the economical disaster of the Panic of 1837, and historians accept split on the capability of the Independent Treasury as a response to that issue.^[122] Van Buren's most lasting achievement was every bit a political organizer who built the Democratic Party and guided it to authority in the Second Party Arrangement,^[1] and historians take come to regard Van Buren as integral to the development of the American political organization.^[121]

A 2017 C-SPAN survey has Martin Van Buren ranked amid the bottom tertiary of presidents of all-time, right beneath George W. Bush and to a higher place Chester A. Arthur. The survey asked 91 presidential historians to rank the 43 former presidents (including then-out-going president Barack Obama) in various categories to come up up with a composite score, resulting in an overall ranking. Van Buren was ranked 34th amid all one-time presidents (down from 31st in 2009, and 30th in 2000). His rankings in the various categories of this nearly recent poll were as follows: public persuasion (30), crisis leadership (35), economic management (twoscore), moral authority (33), international relations (26), authoritative skills (26), relations with congress (28), vision/setting an calendar (33), pursued equal justice for all (30), performance with context of times (33).^[123] A 2018 poll of the American Political Science Association's Presidents and Executive Politics department ranked Van Buren as the 27th all-time president.^[124]

Several writers have portrayed Van Buren as among the nation's most obscure presidents. As noted in a 2014 Time Mag article on the "Acme 10 Forgettable Presidents":

Making himself nearly disappear completely from the history books was probably not the play tricks the "Little Magician" Martin Van Buren had in mind, but his was the beginning truly forgettable American presidency.^[125]

References [edit]

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5. ^ ^{a b} Irelan, John Robert (1887). "History of the Life, Administration and Times of Martin Van Buren, 8th President of the U.s.a.". Chicago: Fairbanks and Palmer Publishing Company. p. 230. Retrieved March half-dozen, 2017.
6. ^ ^{a b c} "Richard Mentor Johnson, 9th Vice President (1837-1841)". Washington, D.C.: Usa Senate, Role of the Historian. Retrieved March 7, 2017.
7. ^ Wilentz 2005, pp. 448–449.
8. ^ Wilentz 2005, pp. 449–450.
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10. ^ Howe 2007, pp. 508–509.
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Works cited [edit]

• Cole, Donald B. (1984). Martin Van Buren and the American Political System . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN0-691-04715-four. online free to borrow.
• Howe, Daniel Walker (2007). What Hath God Wrought: the Transformation of America, 1815–1848 . Oxford, NY: Oxford Academy Press.
• Morison, Samuel Eliot (1965). The Oxford History of the American People . New York: Oxford University Press.
• Nowlan, Robert A. (2012). The American Presidents, Washington to Tyler: What They Did, What They Said, What Was Said About Them, With Full Source Notes. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Visitor. ISBN978-0-7864-6336-7.
• Silbey, Joel H. (2002). Martin Van Buren and the Emergence of American Popular Politics. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN0-7425-2243-one. , online free to infringe
• Wilentz, Sean (2005). The Rise of American Commonwealth: Jefferson to Lincoln. Westward. W. Norton & Company. ISBN0-393-05820-iv.
• Wilson, Major L. (1984). The Presidency of Martin Van Buren. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN9780700602384.

Further reading [edit]

• Alexander, Holmes (1935). The American Talleyrand: Martin Van Buren.
• Curtis, James C. (1970). The Fox at Bay: Martin Van Buren and the Presidency, 1837–1841. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN978-0-8131-1214-5.
• Henretta, James A. (2004). "Martin Van Buren". In Brinkley, Alan; Dyer, Davis (eds.). The American Presidency. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp. 103–114. ISBN0-618-38273-nine.
• Graff, Henry F., ed. The Presidents: A Reference History (third ed. 2002) online
• Holland, William K. (1836). The Life and Political Opinions of Martin Van Buren, Vice President of the The states. Belknap & Hammersley. p. 344.
• Lynch, Denis Tilden (1929). An Epoch and a Man: Martin Van Buren and His Times. New York: H. Liveright.
• Mushkat, Jerome. Martin Van Buren : law, politics, and the shaping of Republican ideology (1997) online free to borrow
• Niven, John (1983). Martin Van Buren: The Romantic Age of American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-503238-3.
• Remini, Robert. Martin Van Buren and the making of the Democratic Party (1959) online gratuitous to borrow
• Schouler, James (1889). History of the The states of America: 1831–1847. Democrats and Whigs. Vol. 4. Washington, D.C.: W. H. Morrison.
• Shafer, Ronald One thousand. The carnival entrada: How the rollicking 1840 campaign of "Tippecanoe and Tyler as well" changed presidential elections forever (Chicago Review, 2016). 279p
• Shepard, Edward Shepard (1899). American Statesmen: Martin Van Buren. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. p. 224.
• Silbey, Joel H. (2009). Party Over Section: The Rough and Ready Presidential Election of 1848. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas. ISBN978-0-7006-1640-iv.
• Silbey, Joel H. (2014). A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents 1837–1861. Wiley. pp. 109–154. ISBN9781118609293.

Main sources [edit]

• James D. Richardson, ed., Letters and Papers of the Presidents, 10 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1900), includes Van Buren'due south addresses to Congress and many important state papers.
• John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., "The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Yr 1918, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1920), was written during Van Buren'southward retirement; it ends in 1835.

External links [edit]

• Martin Van Buren: A Resource Guide at the Library of Congress
• The Papers of Martin Van Buren at Cumberland University
• Martin Van Buren National Historic Site (Lindenwald), National Park Service
• "Life Portrait of Martin Van Buren", from C-SPAN'due south American Presidents: Life Portraits, May iii, 1999
• Works past or most Martin Van Buren at Internet Archive

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Martin_Van_Buren

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